The Most Absurd Nobel Peace Prize

The Nobel Peace Prize awarded to Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos today will not transform his “peace” deal with the FARC [Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia] into a good agreement. In fact, the agreement would be devastating for the country, which is why Colombia rejected it in a plebiscite on October 2, 2016, and will continue to do so. The deal, if implemented, would destroy the country’s democratic institutions and prolong the suffering of the Colombian people; it would not contribute to building peace or national harmony. Colombia will defend itself until it definitively defeats the criminal ambitions of the FARC. And a Nobel Peace prize for Santos will not magically change that fact.

From that point of view, the Nobel prize awarded to Santos is both useless and grotesque. Most appallingly, the prize was presented by the Committee “in honor of the Colombian public who, despite all the abuses it has suffered, has not lost hope in building a just peace.” Who is the Committee mocking? Because the Colombians that the Committee claims to honor with Santos’ prize are the very Colombians who voted against Santos and the FARC on October 2 – the very Colombians who seek a just peace and not a false peace, one based on the most scandalous impunity for the leaders of an organization that has committed all types of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

To say that Colombia has suffered “abuses” is evidence that those awarding the prize either want to minimize he crimes of these narco-communists or they are completely ignorant as to what the FARC’s has done to Colombians.

Will the Nobel Peace Prize lead Santos to adopt a reasonable position? Throughout these six years of secret conversations in Cuba, Santos never demanded that the FARC negotiate its surrender without destabilizing Colombia’s democratic institutions and its free-market economy. And that is precisely what this now-defunct, 297-page agreement, conceived between the FARC ad Santos, under the tutelage and watchful eye of two Latin American dictatorships, would achieve. That is why the deal was voted down in the plebiscite.

The Nobel Peace Prize Committee missed the mark again, arguing that they wanted to help Colombia achieve peace. In reality, what they did was to humiliate those who voted against the deal in the Plebiscite and, most of all, the victims of the FARC and a nation that has suffered FARC atrocities for 60 years. Will the Nobel Prize help Santos and the FARC try to resuscitate the 297-page agreement and disavow the vote of millions of Colombians?

We are not the only ones who fear this. Public opinion in Spain and in prestigious Spanish news outlets, who are more familiar with Colombia’s situation than Norway, have not hesitated to condemn the decision of the Nobel Peace Prize Committee. A poll run by the Madrid daily ABC reveals that 83 per cent of those polled were against Santos having received the prize. El Español, another Madrid daily, stressed “the definitive discrediting of the Nobel Peace Prize.” Yet another daily, OK Diario concluded, “the Norwegians punish the will of the Colombian people by giving Santos the Nobel Prize.” And web-based Libertad Digital stated, “Juan Manuel Santos is the Nobel Peace Prize winner for surrendering to narco-terrorism.”

The Nobel Peace Prize awarded to Rabin, Perez, and Arafat in 1994, for “substituting hate for cooperation” did not lead to peace in Palestine, nor did it impede the onslaught of the second intifada in 2000. Will the same happen in Colombia? The Nobel Peace Prize is not , after all, interested in society’s problems. It is a prize that exists in order to impose a particular viewpoint regarding international conflicts, and to benefit Norway’s and Sweden’s international relations.

In Colombia, the awarding of the prize to Santos raises many concerns. Will it help the Colombian President energetically confront the reticence of the FARC leaders, who refuse to revisit any of the points in the deal signed in Havana? Or will it instead help him advance his peace program, ignoring the will of the majority of the voters who rejected the deal in the October 2 plebiscite?

Former President Alvaro Uribe, who leads a movement for a just peace within the democratic system, congratulated Santos for his prize, but expressed a wish

that it ‘’lead to changing an agreement that is harmful to democracy.” And that is the point, to change the harmful Havana agreements.

The fact that the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Santos didn’t change the situation, nor did it create a new one. The political stage was already set and has only two angles: On one side, there are the results of the October 2 plebiscite, which rejected the deal with the FARC. Thus, the Havana deal was not ratified – it died. The electorate’s vote on October 2, was legally binding. It was a mandate for the President that he cannot mock.

On the other side is the FARC’s position. Upon learning the result of the plebiscite, [FARC leader] Timochenko said the “peace deal” was untouchable and that they demanded its implementation. Thus, the communist leader disavowed the vote of the Colombian people. And then there is the fact that President Santos has yet to reject Timochenko’s arbitrary position. He didn’t contradict Timochenko either before or after his meeting with former President Uribe and former Instpector General Alejandro Ordonez. And he did not do so after being informed of his Nobel prize.

This tension, which is being aggravated by those attempting to organize “pro-peace now” street rallies in order to discard the plebiscite into a historical limbo, will have to be resolved one way or another by the Colombian President, with or without a Nobel prize. Will he disavow the will of the people, legitimately and legally expressed in the plebiscite? The news that Santos is pursuing, through members of the Constitutional Court, a do-over of the plebiscite is a bad sign. He should be careful not to spark the ire of those citizens who want peace, but who reject the type of peace condensed in that 297-page disaster. Now more than ever, thanks to the awarding of the Nobel prize, national and international public opinion will be more aware of any move – in one direction or the other – by President Juan Manuel Santos.

Obama’s Plan Colombia: Supporting Drugs and Tyranny

The problem today, as it was in 1997, is a government in bed with criminal syndicates. How else could one describe a “negotiation” that offers complete impunity to the world’s leading Cartel, launders and protects its assets, and gives narco-terrorists political status and power? Back then that was called corruption; today, it’s called “peace.”


January 26/2016

On February 4, President Barak Obama will host his Colombian counter-part Juan Manuel Santos at the White House to commemorate 15 years of U.S. aid, through Plan Colombia. They will also discuss future aid in light of on-going peace negotiations in Havana between the Santos government and the narco-terrorist group FARC.  Ironically, the program conceived to combat drug trafficking and promote democracy in Colombia, promises only to strengthen the world’s leading drug cartel and support an emerging dictatorship.

The tenor of the meeting was forecast by an interview of Obama in Colombian daily El Tiempo this week. Gushing over the Santos-FARC “peace process,” the war on drugs, and the rule of law in Colombia, Obama’s comments painted a picture far removed from the reality Colombians live with every day.

“Colombia will be a model on how to achieve peace with justice,” Obama stated.  He added that the Colombian government had developed “a new anti-narcotics strategy,” and that, thanks to Plan Colombia, the U.S. had helped in the “re-establishment of the rule of law.”

Yes and no. Until about 2010, Plan Colombia was, indeed, effective in combating drug trafficking. Cocaine production went from 926 metric tons in 2001 to 350 metric tons in 2010, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. More than 2,000 criminals were extradited between 2002 and 2010, as drug trafficking and money laundering were aggressively investigated and prosecuted.

But four years of Santos-FARC negotiations have put Colombia back where it was before Plan Colombia – when the U.S. had decertified the country as a partner in the war on drugs and the Colombian President’s U.S. Visa had been canceled, due to his ties to drug Cartels.

Andrés Pastrana and Bill Clinton

Back then, U.S. Representative Dennis Hastert summed up the problem at a Committee on Government Reform and Oversight meeting in 1997: “International drug trafficking organizations based in Colombia are the world’s leading producers of cocaine… There can be no doubt that Colombia’s political and judicial systems are confronting corruption. Sentences for drug traffickers need to be strengthened, and a re-examination of money laundering and extradition needs to take place.”  As to the FARC, he stated: “There should be no mistake. The guerrillas of Colombia long ago abandoned ideology.”

Today, Colombia is again the world’s leading producer of cocaine, mostly attributable to the FARC.  In 2014, production rose to 442 metric tons; estimates for 2015 put it at 600 metric tons.  Aerial spraying of coca fields has been suspended, and manual eradication is impossible, as Santos has grounded the aerial support necessary to protect the troops.  The “new strategy” is not working.

The FARC’s wealth is estimated by Forbes magazine to be $600 million. Yet the Santos government protects the group’s assets, publicly echoing the terror group’s claim that they have no money. Since December 2015, Santos has denied two U.S. extradition requests for FARC terrorists wanted on drug-trafficking and kidnapping charges. More egregiously, the FARC has refused to finalize the deal, unless the U.S. releases convicted FARC leader “Simon Trinidad,” currently serving a 60-year sentence in the U.S. for his role in kidnapping three U.S. citizens in 2003.

While in 1997, then-Asst. Secretary of State Robert Gelbard complained that top drug lords were receiving “absurdly short” sentences,   under today’s peace deal, drug trafficking would be considered a “political” crime and drug lords would receive no jail terms at all.  Those already serving time would be released. In fact, the deal calls for no jail time for any atrocity, including crimes against humanity – a level of impunity that will likely trigger the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court.  And though the deal has not been ratified, 30 terrorists have already been pardoned and 17 were released last week.  The rule of law has never been so eroded.

Robert GelbardThe problem today, as it was in 1997, is a government in bed with criminal syndicates. How else could one describe a “negotiation” that offers complete impunity to the world’s leading Cartel, launders and protects its assets, and gives narco-terrorists political status and power? Twenty years ago that was called corruption; today, it’s called “peace.”

To implement this “peace,” Santos has asked Congress to adopt a law that would give him the power to rule-by-decree.  And despite promises to bring the deal to a national referendum, he has scrapped the idea, floating instead the possibility of a plebiscite, where the disingenuous single question would be: “do you want peace?” Not confident of a favorable outcome even with that long-used trick of tyrants, at Santos’ request Congress lowered the threshold of voter participation from 51 percent – as required by the Constitution – to 13 percent for the plebiscite to be valid.

Obama grandiosely stated in his interview, “the whole world is witness to the extraordinary progress Colombia has made.”  But most Colombians disagree. Santos has an approval rating of 21 percent, according to last week’s JanHaas poll. The main points of the peace deal – impunity and political status for terrorists – have consistently been rejected by around 80 percent of the population in numerous polls.

U.S. General Barry McCaffrey (Ret.), who helped formulate Plan Colombia as the former U.S. Drug Czar, stated in a recent PR Newswire interview that the Santos-FARC deal “could maintain or increase cocaine and heroin production, ease transit restrictions and enforcement, keep enormous profits for the FARC, worsen the heroin crisis in our country, and threaten the security of Colombia and increase U.S. drug abuse.”

Plan Colombia – as originally crafted – is needed today more than ever.  But it must not be used to prop up a Santos-FARC government in the so-called “post-conflict.”  Fortunately, it is the U.S. Congress that controls the purse strings; it must ensure that Plan Colombia remains true to its mission.



Colombia’s Children: Hostages of “Peace”

he leader of the Colombian narco-terrorist group FARC, known as Timochenko, revealed this week that — from the beginning of ‘peace’ dialogues with the Santos government — Santos’ brother, Enrique, promised the FARC no jail time for their crimes. In doing so, Timochenko confirmed that four years of negotiations have been a sham.  Indeed, calling the conversations in Havana a “negotiation” would presuppose two opposing parties trying to reach a consensus. But the only two parties involved in this scenario have been the FARC-Santos Alliance on one side and the Colombian people back at home – and the latter have not been invited to the table.  There is, however, one thing standing in the way of the Alliance’s goal of pardoning the FARC’s crimes and paving their way to power:  The FARC’s decades-long history of recruiting children for war and the more than 2,000 children currently held captive in their camps.

The Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF) estimates that in the last decade alone, about 20,000 children have been recruited by the FARC. More than 6,000 children have died in combat, according to the Ombudsman’s Office. Such was the fate of nine girls and 16 boys recruited into a terrorist unit under the command of Timochenko and Ivan Marquez, lead negotiator for the FARC, who were killed in combat in 2000 and 2001.  Another 52 children in that unit were rescued by the military.  Timochenko and Ivan Marquez were found guilty in September of recruiting more than 100 children in relation to this incident.

Since 1999, more than 5,500 children had been rescued or escaped from the FARC, according to the ICBF.  Victim accounts describe appalling conditions of sexual abuse, forced abortions, torture and brutality.  Thousands of children have died at the hands of their captors.  In a chilling account, FARC terrorist Elda Neyis Mosquera, alias ‘Karina’, who turned herself in after 28 years with the FARC, described how she participated in kidnapping dozens of children from schools in the Antioquia region and then murdered 38 of them for “failing to follow orders.”

Four years of “peace negotiations” have done nothing to help Colombia’s children.

Since 1999, more than 5,500 children had been rescued or escaped from the FARC


Today, the Department of Defense estimates there are around 2,000 children being held by the FARC, while other studies estimate that number to be around 3,500.

“Juan Manuel Santos has been completely indifferent to this crime,” stated Margarita Maria Restrepo, a congressional representative for the Centro Democratico party.  On the contrary, she added, “[Santos] has been absolutely complicit with the FARC.”

The evidence supports Ms. Restrepo.  Elected to Congress in 2014, she has focused on making the release of minors a requirement for continued talks in Havana.  In its public announcements, FARC leaders went from denying any recruitment of minors, to stating they had only 13 children under the age of 15, to agreeing to the “possibility of a custody exchange.” The Santos government has not pressed the issue.

In May of this year, Ms. Restrepo called on the FARC to release all minors in their ranks, setting a deadline of August 11, 2015. “Peace is the sum of actions of peace, not promises; not years of talking and talking without a single gesture that would indicate that they really want peace,” she stated.

The chief negotiator for the government, Humberto de La Calle, said he was “in agreement with the need to set limits.” But the deadline came and went, with no efforts by the Government or the FARC to meet it.   Agencies charged with ensuring the rights of children have been silent. A representative for UNICEF in Colombia even chastised Ms. Restrepo for her advocacy.  “He told me I should be more prudent because the subject of child recruitment was ‘altering the terms’ of the conversations in Havana,” she explained.  And when the peace deal was announced with such fanfare in September, it did not – as far as anyone can tell – demand the release of the captive children.

The Santos government has been creative in finding ways to give the FARC a pass on many of their crimes: the Attorney General, Luis Eduardo Montealegre, has endorsed making kidnapping and extortion political crimes, and drug trafficking has already been declared political – making these offenses eligible for pardon.  But child recruitment falls under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court and, therefore, cannot be pardoned.

This makes the captive children an inconvenience – putting their lives in more danger than ever.  They are living proof of the FARC’s most heinous crime and of the Santos government’s failure to protect them.

The Obama Administration hailed the FARC-Santos deal as an example of “inclusive peace.” But it isn’t “inclusive” of these 2,000 children, or the tens of thousands that have been taken, or the families who have mourned them.  In backing this deal, Mr. Obama now shares accountability for their fate.



The current “peace negotiation” between the Santos government and the FARC is a straight-forward extortion scheme:  The FARC is offering “peace” (or “protection”) in exchange for control of the government, through threats – and acts – of violence

In 2000, the image of Elvia Cortés Gil, a 55 year-old woman from rural Colombia, wearing a “necklace bomb”  made headlines around the world.   She had refused to pay “protection” money to FARC terrorists, so they forced the bomb around her neck, demanding $7,500 for its removal.  Colombian police and army officers attempted for seven hours to disarm the bomb before it detonated, decapitating Mrs. Cortez and killing a police officer.  This is one of thousands of instances of extortion, which has been the FARC’s bread and butter for decades.

They are still at it — on a grand scale. The current “peace negotiation” between the Santos government and the FARC is a straight-forward extortion scheme:  The FARC is offering “peace” (or “protection”) in exchange for control of the government, through threats – and acts – of violence.

The FARC is clear in its demands.  In a televised interview, FARC spokesman Rodrigo Granda said plainly:  “The goal is the seizing of power through any means of warfare.”   To get it, the crime syndicate has coerced the media, the opposition, and the Santos government itself through an intimidation campaign that has been brutally supported by violence.

Since the “negotiations” began, about three years ago, The FARC has killed or injured about 1,000 civilians and more than 2,000 members of the armed forces, according to statistics from the National Police and Military Forces.  Earlier this year, the FARC executed a “Pistol Plan” – named after drug lord Pablo Escobar’s “Pistol Plan” in the 1980s — killing 22 uniformed officers and two civilians.  Their goal was for Santos to call a bi-lateral cease-fire, and Santos obliged.

Elvira Cortés Gil, asesinada brutalmente por los terroristas de las FARC que le colocaron un collar bomba. El oficial del ejército que intentó ayudarla desactivando la bomba, murió también en el intento.

Journalists critical of the negotiations have been extorted to coerce their silence. Dario Acevedo Carmona, for example, columnist for the daily El Espectador, suspended his column after the FARC threatened his life through their website Anncol, which posted: “if we don’t ‘de-escalate’ him it will be hard to ‘acclimate’ the Colombian ‘family’ to peace.” (Their emphasis, not mine.)  Journalists know the threats are real: in 2012, Fernando Londoño, who hosts a popular radio show, was the victim of a bombing that left two dead and injured 39 people.

Extorsion has also been useful in seizing government control at a local level.  A recent example was the murder, in August of this year, of Genaro Garcia, the leader of an Afro-Colombian Community Council in Colombia’s Pacific region.  The FARC demanded that Mr. Garcia relinquish his position on the Council.  When he refused, he was murdered.

But the main target of this extortion scheme is former President Alvaro Uribe, Senator and leader of the opposition party “Centro Democratico.”   Despite threats to his life, public pronouncements by the Attorney General Luis Eduardo Montealegre threatening to prosecute him, and an elaborate publicity campaign to tarnish his reputation, Uribe has yet to be silenced.   On October 3,  the FARC sent a message in true Tony Soprano style:  On the same day that two hit-men attempted to assassinate Silvio Gomez Claro, a Centro Democratico candidate for mayor in the city of Pitalito, FARC leader “Timochenko” made this statement through El Espectador:  “Uribe, don’t miss this opportunity for reconciliation.”

Recently, the Government and the FARC have begun to disagree as to how the FARC will pay for their crimes against humanity.  In a not-so-subtle reminder of who the boss was, FARC leader Timochenko issued this warning in an interview with Telesur: “[at one time] one of our Commands informed us that they were perfectly-positioned to assassinate President Santos.” He then added that former FARC Commander Alfonso Cano only held off because it wouldn’t be valid while peace talks were ongoing.

The Santos Government is likely to give in to the latest FARC demands: complete absolution of their crimes, no decommissioning of their weapons or wealth, and political status.  In essence, the FARC would become a political party led by terrorists, funded by drug proceeds and backed by an army of criminals.  The U.S. government’s position on this dangerous scenario is troubling.  Bernard Aronson, U.S. Envoy to the peace talks, said to CM& news: “…We would treat them like any other political party in the country.”

Elvia Cortez, Genaro Garcia, and Fernando Londono defied extortion demands because they refused to relinquish basic freedoms: individual rights, the autonomy of local communities, and freedom of speech and of the press.   Uribe opposes the FARC’s extorted peace because he refuses to surrender the ideals of democracy and justice of a nation.  The U.S. should stand with them.

Cotton Fields Creedence Clear Water Revival

Last week i was traveling to my farm  on my Mercedes Benz in a hot weather and full or rice and cotton fields  around and it remind me this good old song.

Cotton Fields”
When I was a little bitty baby
My mama would rock me in the cradle,
In them old cotton fields back home;

It was down in Louisiana,
Just about a mile from Texarkana,
In them old cotton fields back home.

Oh, when them cotton bolls get rotten
You can’t pick very much cotton,
In them old cotton fields back home.


Spartacus is a 1960 American epic historical drama film directed by Stanley Kubrick. The screenplay by Dalton Trumbo was based on the novel Spartacus by Howard Fast. It was inspired by the life story of the leader of a slave revolt in antiquity, Spartacus, and the events of the Third Servile War.

The film starred Kirk Douglas as Spartacus, Laurence Olivier as the Roman general and politician Marcus Licinius Crassus, Peter Ustinov, who won an Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor, as slave trader Lentulus Batiatus, John Gavin as Julius Caesar, Jean Simmons as Varinia, Charles Laughton as Sempronius Gracchus and Tony Curtis as Antoninus. The film won four Academy Awards in all.

Douglas, whose Bryna Productions company was producing the film, removed original director Anthony Mann after the first week of shooting. Kubrick, with whom Douglas had worked before, was brought on board to take over direction.[2] It is the only film directed by Kubrick where he did not have complete artistic control.

Screenwriter Dalton Trumbo was blacklisted at the time as one of the Hollywood Ten. Kirk Douglas publicly announced that Trumbo was the screenwriter of Spartacus, and President-elect John F. Kennedy crossed American Legion picket lines to view the film, helping to end blacklisting.[3][4] The author of the novel on which it is based, Howard Fast, was also blacklisted, and originally had to self-publish it.

The film became the biggest moneymaker in Universal Studios‘ history, until it was surpassed by Airport (1970).[5]

n the 1st century BC, the Roman Republic has slid into corruption, its menial work done by armies of slaves. One of these, a proud and gifted man named Spartacus, is so uncooperative in his servitude that he is sentenced to fight as agladiator. He is trained at a school run by the unctuous Roman businessman Lentulus Batiatus, who instructs Spartacus’s trainer Marcellus to bully the slave mercilessly and break his spirit. Amid the abuse, Spartacus forms a quiet relationship with a serving woman named Varinia, whom he refuses to rape when she is sent to “entertain” him in his cell.

Batiatus receives a visit from the Roman senator Marcus Licinius Crassus, an arch-conservative who aims to become dictator of Rome. Crassus buys Varinia on a whim, and for the amusement of his companions arranges for Spartacus and three others to fight in pairs. When Spartacus is disarmed, his opponent, an African named Draba, spares his life in a burst of compassion and attacks the Roman audience, but is killed by an arena guard and Crassus. The next day, with the school’s atmosphere still tense over this episode, Batiatus takes Varinia away to Crassus’s house in Rome. Spartacus kills Marcellus, who was taunting him over this, and their fight escalates into a riot. The gladiators overwhelm their guards and escape into the Italian countryside.

Spartacus is elected chief of the fugitives and decides to lead them out of Italy and back to their homes. They plunder Roman country estates as they go, collecting enough money to buy sea transport from Rome’s foes, the pirates of Cilicia. Countless other slaves join the group, making it as large as an army. One of the new arrivals is Varinia, who escaped while being delivered to Crassus. Another is a slave entertainer named Antoninus, who also fled Crassus’s service after the Roman tried to seduce him. Privately Spartacus feels mentally inadequate because of his lack of education during years of servitude. However, he proves an excellent leader and organizes his diverse followers into a tough and self-sufficient community. Varinia, now his informal wife, becomes pregnant by him, and he also comes to regard the spirited Antoninus as a sort of son.

The Roman Senate becomes increasingly alarmed as Spartacus defeats the multiple armies it sends against him. Crassus’s populist opponent Gracchus knows that his rival will try to use the crisis as a justification for seizing control of the Roman army. To try and prevent this, Gracchus channels as much military power as possible into the hands of his own protege, a young senator named Julius Caesar. Although Caesar lacks Crassus’s contempt for the lower classes of Rome, he mistakes the man’s rigid outlook for nobility. Thus, when Gracchus reveals that he has bribed the Cilicians to get Spartacus out of Italy and rid Rome of the slave army, Caesar regards such tactics as beneath him and goes over to Crassus.

Crassus uses a bribe of his own to make the pirates abandon Spartacus and has the Roman army secretly force the rebels away from the coastline towards Rome. Amid panic that Spartacus means to sack the city, the Senate gives Crassus absolute power. Now surrounded by Romans, Spartacus convinces his men to die fighting. Just by rebelling, and proving themselves human, he says that they have struck a blow against slavery. In the ensuing battle, most of the slave army is massacred by Crassus’s forces. Afterward, when the Romans try to locate the rebel leader for special punishment, every surviving man shields him by shouting “I’m Spartacus!” As a result, Crassus has them all sentenced to death by crucifixion along the Via Appia.

Meanwhile, Crassus has found Varinia and Spartacus’s newborn son and has taken them prisoner. He is disturbed by the idea that Spartacus can command more love and loyalty than he can and hopes to compensate by making Varinia as devoted to him as she was to her former husband. When she rejects him, he furiously seeks out Spartacus (whom he recognizes from having watched him in the arena) and forces him to fight Antoninus to the death. The survivor is to be crucified, along with all the other men captured after the great battle. Spartacus kills Antoninus to spare him this fate. The incident leaves Crassus worried about Spartacus’s potential to live in legend as a martyr. In other matters he is also worried about Caesar, who he senses will someday eclipse him.

Gracchus, having seen Rome fall into tyranny, commits suicide. Before doing so, he bribes his friend Batiatus to rescue Spartacus’s family from Crassus and carry them away to freedom. On the way out of Rome, the group pass under Spartacus’s cross. Varinia is able to comfort him in his dying moments by showing him his little son, who will grow up without ever having been a slave.


Sucre Colombia Glorious And Mariscal A National Heritage in the name of coraima

Sucre is a treasure of unparalleled beauty,
its green mountains, streams and sea
Sucre is a paradise in the spell
their pasture;
it’s my whole entire earth
a large spring garden


Patria Colombiana
Sucre is my prettiest of my floor
where it extends the sky
in the waters of the beautiful blue sea.


Sucreño I Heart
my green and white flag is joy,
I am a lover of peace and harmony,
progress, justice and reason.


Sucre great fertility
their fields gives you wealth,
your crops and pastures
are national heritage
your crops and pastures
are national treasures.


Patria Colombiana
Sucre is my prettiest of my floor
where it extends the sky
in the waters of the beautiful blue sea.


Sucre, glorious Mariscal,
this land is your memory monument,
you will look proudly from history,
our soil and carries your name.


Sucre, your people will
peace in your way of greatness
and we shall nobly a large national sample,
and we shall nobly
a large national sample.


Founded: August 18, 1966

Name / the founder (s): Law 47 of 1966, by which creates and organizes the department of Sucre, was sanctioned by the President of the Republic, Dr. Carlos Lleras Restrepo, his minister of government.

Sincelejo was the seat of aboriginal tribes, commanded by Chinchelejo cacique, who derived the name of the then population discovered by Alfonso Palomino. Other versions say that the city was founded on October 4, 1535 by the Spanish Francisco de Sincelejo. It was then called San Francisco de Asis in Sincelejo. The distinction call (Queen and Lady Savannah) and (cebuista Capital of Colombia), famous for having served as headquarters of the so-called Revolution of the Priests, was until 1980.

hosts one of the most popular traditional festivals in Colombia, which dates back to October 1845, when in honor of the patron of sincelejano village, St. Francis of Assisi, the first party in corraleja, which then was moved to January 20th, the day of Holy Name of Jesus was performed. Don Antonio de la Torre and Miranda commissioned by the Governor of Cartagena, Francisco Diaz Pimienta, gathered the inhabitants scattered throughout the region in order to give symmetry and order to the town to give the name (website) that was given to mid-century when he received category (Villa), belonging to the charge of Don Alonso Padilla in 1610. It was erected township in 1776 and provincial capital in 1897. In 1963 the second Assembly of Municipalities meeting in which reaffirmed Sucre accession by all delegates. Coprosucre made visits to some municipalities finding in all its inhabitants enthusiasm for the separatist cause and its full support. On July 28, 1966 in the Senate the draft law on the establishment of the Department of Sucre was discussed. On August 18, 1966 Act 47 of that year is approved in the Senate, through which it is created and organized by the Department of Sucre. Act 47 of 1966, by which it is created and organized the department of Sucre, was sanctioned by the President of the Republic, Dr. Carlos Lleras Restrepo, his Minister of Government ORIGIN OF NAME Sucre took its name in honor of Mariscal Sucre alluding to the words of Bolívar upon learning of his death, (they killed my heart).This expression was taken by the pioneers of this Department as symbolic as being situated between the Department of Córdoba and Bolívar which he was born.

Geography Physical Description:

Sucre department consists of five sub-regions that are: Subregion Morrosquillo This subregion is the area of ​​tropical dry forest (bs-T), strong human intervention has favored the formation of anthropogenic savanna plains. In the municipality of San Onofre an enclave of (bms-T) tropical dry forest and lots of anthropogenic savannas hilly and mountain is located. Also are located in the coastal littoral mangrove ecosystems and coastal lagoons. The subregion has marked differences in climatic variables; annual rainfall in some cases are less than 900 mm, but can fall over 1,200 mm per year. The average monthly temperature is above 27 ° C. The dry season can last up to five months or more. The average relative humidity is 77%. Due to its condition coastal plain, plain maintains high groundwater levels that preserve the usable condition of pastures and favorable conditions for the maintenance of herd during the dry season. Subregion Sheets The dominant climate in the subregion is characteristic of the area tropical dry forest (bs-T), few relictus secondary vegetation;stubble and large areas of grasslands occur. By the strong human intervention in this environmental system, it is known as anthropogenic savannas, predominantly hilly landscape. Of the five subregions of the Department, is suffering more rigorously the long dry season, leading to the practice of transhumance of cattle and horses to Mojana and San Jorge subregions. The annual average temperature is around 27.5 ° C; Average annual precipitation ranges from 1,200 mm los1.000 and relative humidity averages 80%. In this subregion physiographic factors, soil, wind and degenerative human actions the natural environment (removal of tree cover and soil degradation) produce aridity, predominantly seasonal drought and deciduous trees. Subregion Montes de María Montes de María subregion corresponds to the area of ​​tropical dry forest (bs-T). The action of the trade winds in the dry season influences the regulation of temperature, relative humidity and precipitation. Its characteristic landscape is mountainous. The annual average temperature is 27.5 ° C; precipitation varies from 1,300 mm los1.000 and year; the relative humidity is 77%; the phenomenon of fog is common occurrence in slope forests during the early hours of the morning and evening. The rainfall pattern is bimodal, the short rainy season in the first half, followed by a brief dry period in the months of June and July, in the region known as the “Indian summer Juan”. In the second half of the year as much rainfall occurs. San Jorge subregion The subregion has tropical life zones / bh-T) moist forest, tropical dry forest (bs-T), tropical dry forest (bms-T) and natural savannas. Rainforests corresponds to wetlands (sewers, rivers and marshes), the behavior of the climatic variables closely related to those of the Mojana Subregion. The annual average rainfall is 2,300 mm; the monthly average temperature is 28º C and has 85% relative humidity. The dry tropical forest makes relation to anthropogenic savannas within the boundaries of the municipalities of San Marcos and La Union department of Córdoba. The climatic variables correlate with which dominate the Sheets subregion. Very dry tropical forest represents extensions of land with acid soils, presence of gravel and low fertility. The vegetation thickets American Curatella (Peralejo) and Birsonima crassifolia (shea).Climate behavior approximates the conditions prevailing in the subregion Sheets.However, soil and sparse vegetation cover conditions create unique conditions that allow forming enclaves of tropical dry forest. The natural grasslands are located on flat land extensions not flood the right bank of the St. George River in San Benito Abad sense – San Marcos. Grasslands are usually discovered with the presence of Scheelea magdalenica (Palma de Vino), open woods of Nanche (shea) and Tetracera sp (Martín Moreno). For environmental system mean annual precipitation exceeds 1,300 mm, the monthly average temperature is 28 ° C and the relative humidity is 80%. Subregion Mojana Based on key climatic variables, Mojana is classified into the living area moist tropical forest (bh-T). According to the RAMSAR Convention (1971), most of its territory corresponds to wetlands that are shaped by a complex of creeks, rivers, marshes and zapales, which are part of the buffer zone known as depression Momposina ecosystems, which regulates Avenue Magdalena, Cauca and San Jorge rivers. The annual average rainfall is 2,800 mm; the monthly average temperature is 28 ° C; the average relative humidity is 85% and altitude above sea level does not exceed 30 meters. Land use and soil vocation of agriculture, livestock and forestry purposes: Agricultural: They consist of classes II, III, and IV, comprising 51% of the total area of ​​the Department, represented in 560,546 hectares; of which 60% are located within ecological formations montane dry forest and tropical dry forest that for any tech farm, necessitate irrigation and requires the application of complete fertilizers. The remaining 40% of land with agricultural potential is located south of the Department, on the plains of the rivers San Jorge and Cauca, belonging to the ecological formations tropical moist montane rainforest with higher rainfall, summer or ó¡¡épocas shorter dry, high water table and therefore less irrigation requirements. Livestock: It is composed of classes V and VI soils and amounts to 325,292 acres of pasture. These soils require sound agronomic management practices, proper use of pastures and establishment of preventive measures against erosion caused rainwater, logging, wind and animal trampling. On the territory of the department of Sucre can distinguish four major physiographic units. To the west, the coastal strip, which in the northern sector is gently undulating and flat with several coastal accidents like the Commissioner, Chinchimán, La Salina, Los Muertos, Stone, Rincon, San Bernardo Seca and tips; in the neighboring end Bolívar department coast is covered with mangroves. The second unit comprises the mountains of San Jacinto, which is an extension of the Serrania de San Jerónimo; between Sucre and Bolivar is also known by the name of Montes de María; heights ranging between 200 and 500 meters above sea level; stand Peñalta blades and Campana, Mounds Floral, La Mojana, Pozo Dark, The Eye and The Coco;the third unit, flat and undulating relief is known as the Savannas of Sucre; the fourth is the depression formed by the lower San Jorge and lower Cauca, in the latter region called La Mojana, watered down the drain or arm of the same name is included. All physiographic unit is part of the Momposina depression.

Limits of the municipality:

Bordered on the north and east by the department of Bolivar south with the departments of Bolívar, Antioquia and Cordoba and the west with the department of Córdoba and the Caribbean Sea.

Total length: Extension of Sucre is 10,670 km2, representing an area of 0.9% of the total area of the Republic of Colombia and 8.5% in the Caribbean region. Km2

Extension urban area: 10,280.55 km2

Extension rural area: 70.11 km2

Altitude of the municipal head (meters above sea level): 213 m

Average Temperature: The climate is warm, with average temperatures between 27 ° C and 30 ° C

Reference distance: Sucre department located in the north of the country, in the region of the plain of the Caribbean; located between 10º08’03 “and 08º16’46” N, longitude and 74º32’35 “length.

Maps Access the maps section



THE weather is warm, with average temperatures between 27ºC and 30aC, tempered by northeast trade winds and sea breezes; the relative humidity is around 85% and the rains are distributed during two periods, alternating with dry periods; precipitation increases from east to west; Thus, in the coastal strip may be less than 1,000 mm and the Lower San Jorge and lower Cauca, exceed Their lands are included in the warm thermal floor. For the topographical conditions of the Department, its high water wealth two types of flooding the long gestation generated by Cauca and San Jorge rivers in the municipalities of Guaranda, Majagual, Sucre, San Marcos, and San Benito Abad Caimito and all are presented the wetland complex of San Jorge. Or sudden flash floods are caused by the overflow of big rivers like: The Arroyo Grande, Arroyo Pichilín, Mancomoján, The Pintao among others according to the statistics. According to the classification of threats risk identification Department minor flooding of small run-succeeded by torrential downpours in the Municipalities of Sincelejo, Sampués, Corozal, Morroa, San Pedro, Sincé, Toluviejo and sheep are also presented.



The main economic activities of the department of Sucre revolves around livestock, agriculture, commerce and other services. For the excellent quality of its cattle high selection, Sincelejo has been called the “Capital Cebuísta of Colombia”; has a magnificent breed, raise and fatten animals excellent conditions for consumption in regional markets and dairy on a smaller scale. Globally, tourism is one of the most important and dynamic economic sectors, because through it sources of employment, foreign exchange earnings are generated and widely contributes to regional development. The Colombian Caribbean region has been considered quintessential tourist hotspot, given the variety of attractions, resources and track record. The department of Sucre has not reached the desired levels comparable competitive with other cities in the Caribbean region and the country, but has great potential that has not been exploited in their diversity (cultural, religious, adventure, hiking, ecotourism, agrotourism, ethno, contemporary achievements and scheduled events) and that has always focused exclusively on tourism of sun and sand; what could well generate the composition of micro cluster. The deficiency in utility infrastructure does not allow providing an adequate supply of tourist services, which generates inequality and lack of competitiveness with other locations with similar to ours. Admittedly the strength of having the Culinary School of Tourism and SENA in the Gulf of Morrosquillo, which has allowed the formation of human talent to benefit the sector. In order to make tourism department of Sucre, a profitable activity, it is necessary to promote the sector considering the ways in which (acuaturismo, ecotourism, agrotourism, ectnoturismo, craft centers, seas, rivers, streams are counted , streams, swamps, caves, vegetation and fauna) that characterize the territory of our Department. In this sense it is necessary to build, based on the comparative advantages of the Department, the creation of tourist and craft routes, allowing service chaining (micro cluster). For tourist offering high quality products. The department of Sucre is characterized as one of the leading producers of handicrafts in the country, especially the subsectors of the arrow shaft, hammocks, baskets in palm iraca, products made from gourds, wood items, which allow them to socially integrated community, to achieve welfare and improvement of their living conditions, in the case of the arrow sugarcane fiber with which the famous vueltiao hat, heritage and today’s Zenú national symbol, along with such fiber is manufactured are made other utilitarian items such as belts, handbags, footwear, individual, carpet, cushions, bracelets, among others; Sampués being the municipalities of San Antonio de Palmito and Sincelejo main producers. On the other hand, cotton yarn fabrics for the manufacture of the famous hammocks and other utilitarian items like, tablecloths, bedspreads, individual, belts, handbags, footwear, among others, which are produced in the municipalities of Morroa, Corozal (Don Alonso) Sampués (Santa Inés de Palito and San Luis). Basketry in iraca palm and banana know is characterized by the quality of its products, allowing its position at regional and national level, with the municipalities of Colosó and Sincelejo its biggest producers. As for the production of handicrafts in totumo, highlights the municipalities of Galeras, Los Palmitos and wood Sincelejo, Sampués, Tolu, San Pedro and San Onofre. It is worth noting the support provided by Colombia Crafts for structuring productive mini hammock and arrow cane, support and advice he has given to the sector in the Department. Despite the achievements, the sector is fragile mainly due to difficulties in marketing the products, which often are exploited by middlemen. In the case of productive stereo arrow cane, one of the weakest links is the supply of raw material, like the hammock, whose price and timely delivery on orders dependent on a single supplier which generates disorders production.


Communication channels:


The department of Sucre has 8 airfields, three Aereocivil property, one of the ARC -Ministry Defense and the rest belonging to companies and private companies.Aerodrome belonging to the Aerocivil are located in the municipalities of Corozal (The Witches), San Marcos and Tolu, being the largest influx of passengers, corozal. The airfield Las Brujas, from February 28, 2008 was concessioned. These airfields are deficient in the following respects: unsuitable for landing large aircraft passenger and cargo, lack of cargo terminal to streamline the national and international trade and lack of logistics to provide better service tracks integrated users.


The road network consists of primary, secondary and tertiary network, which has a length of 1,832 kms, distributed by subregion, as follows: -. Vial Distribution by Primary Order: 227.2 High: 531.8 Tertiary: 1.073.1 – Status Red Road Pavement 250.8 836.2 Kms Kms Earth Affirmed 745.1 kms. Most of the road network in the department of Sucre is unpaved and earth with 86.3% and only 13.7% are in pavement (rigid and flexible). – Road Department and its distribution status subregions The highest concentration of kilometers of roads that have subregions: Sheets (33.78%), San Jorge (21.79%) and Morrosquillo (19.63%), since most of the network primary and secondary road is located in these subregions, finding fewer kilometers of track the Mojana (9.1%) and Montes de Maria (15.66%) subregions, which explains the social and economic backwardness in these subregions.


For seven or eight months of the year passenger and cargo subregions of San Jorge and La Mojana is mainly by waterways through the Cauca and San Jorge rivers and numerous streams and marshes, since in season carreteables winter roads are inaccessible. The department has a length of 13 kilometers on the Cauca River, between the municipalities of Achi and Guaranda. The San Jorge River flows into the Brazo de Loba (Magdalena River) in Bolivar and Sucre Department comes about after the first 25 kilometers long and crosses the municipalities of Caimito and San Marcos, among others. Maritime transport is carried out through the Gulf of Morrosquillo where there is consists of two port companies, one called Port Society Morrosquillo Gulf through which cement and clinker exports and the other Central Port Authority SA pipeline infrastructure, Ocensa, where crude oil is exported. Then there are the springs of Mobil by which they receive from Cartagena refineries, gasoline and diesel to distribute in the departments of Córdoba and Sucre, and the old pier Esso Colombiana Ltda., Whose concession has requested Ocensa. There is also the Fishing Pier Empresa Colombiana de Tolu, Pestolú, which sells fish products.

Coat of Government of Sucre

The Shield Sucre Department has two rectangles; one upper and one lower. The top leads left half body of a zebu beef, Sincelejo being considered at that time, cebuista capital of Colombia, and right horn of plenty, citing the wealth of the Sucre fields.

The bottom rectangle represents the seas that wash the shores of the department (According to Decree 376 of July 2, 1974).

Flag Government of Sucre

Sucre Flag consists of two bands of equal size; green on top, symbolizing prosperity and one white on the bottom, symbol of peace (According to Decree 376 of July 2, 1974).


Top 20 Job Interview Questions and Best Answers

Many of the questions that employers ask at job interviews will be standard interview questions. If you interview frequently, these questions will grow quite familiar. Since it’s so likely that these questions will come up, it’s important to be prepared to respond to them.

You don’t need to memorize an answer, but do review these common interview questions so you know what you’ll be asked and have an idea of how you will respond. This advance preparation will help you feel more confident and less on the spot during the interview.

Top 20 Interview Questions

  1. What were your responsibilities? – Best Answers
  2. What did you like or dislike about your previous job? – Best Answers
  3. What were your starting and final levels of compensation? – Best Answers
  4. What major challenges and problems did you face? How did you handle them? – Best Answers
  5. What is your greatest strength? – Best Answers
  6. What is your greatest weakness? – Best Answers
  7. How do you handle stress and pressure? – Best Answers
  8. Describe a difficult work situation / project and how you overcame it. – Best Answers
  9. What was the biggest accomplishment / failure in this position? – Best Answers
  10. How do you evaluate success? – Best Answers
  11. Why are you leaving or have left your job? – Best Answers
  12. Why do you want this job? – Best Answers
  13. Why should we hire you? – Best Answers
  14. What are your goals for the future? – Best Answers
  15. What are your salary requirements? – Best Answers
  16. Tell me about yourself. – Best Answers
  17. Who was your best boss and who was the worst? – Best Answers
  18. What are you passionate about? – Best Answers
  19. Questions about your supervisors and co-workers. – Best Answers
  20. Questions about your career goals. – Best Answers

United States Navy SEALs

The United States Navy‘s Sea, Air, Land Teams, commonly known as the Navy SEALs, are the U.S. Navy’s principal special operations force and a part of the Naval Special Warfare Command and United States Special Operations Command.[3] The SEALs duty is to conduct small-unit maritime military operations which originate from, and return to a river, ocean, swamp, delta or coastline. SEALs can negotiate shallow water areas such as the Persian Gulf coastline, where large ships and submarines are limited due to depth.[4]

“SEAL” is always capitalized in reference to members of the Naval Special Warfare community. The Navy SEALs are trained to operate in all environments (Sea, Air, and Land) for which they are named. SEALs are also prepared to operate in climate extremes of scorching desert, freezing Arctic, and humid jungle. The SEALs current pursuit of elusive, dangerous and high-priority terrorist targets has them operating in remote, mountainous regions of Afghanistan, and in cities torn by factional violence. Historically the SEALs have always had “one foot in the water.” The reality, however, today is that they initiate lethal direct action strikes equally well from air and land.[4]

All SEALs are male members of the United States Navy.[4][5][6][7] The CIA‘s highly secretive Special Activities Division (SAD) and more specifically its elite Special Operations Group (SOG) recruits operators from the SEAL Teams.[8] Joint Navy SEALs and CIA operations go back to the famed MACV-SOG during the Vietnam War.[9]This cooperation still exists today and is seen in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.[10][11] Due to their reputation as one of the world’s premier special operations forces, SEAL operators routinely serve in allied SOF’s including the British Special Air Service, Special Boat Service and Polish GROM.[12


The modern day U.S. Navy SEALs can trace their roots to World War II.[4] The United States Navy recognized the need for the covert reconnaissance of landing beaches and coastal defenses. As a result, the Amphibious Scout and Raider School was established in 1942 at Fort Pierce, Florida.[7] The Scouts and Raiders were formed in September of that year, just nine months after the attack on Pearl Harbor, from the Observer Group, a joint U.S. Army-Marine-Navy unit

Scouts & Raiders

Recognizing the need for a beach reconnaissance force, a select group of Army and Navy personnel assembled at Amphibious Training Base, Little Creek, on August 15, 1942 to begin Amphibious Scouts and Raiders (joint) training. The Scouts and Raiders mission was to identify and reconnoiter the objective beach, maintain a position on the designated beach prior to a landing, and guide the assault waves to the landing beach.[4]

The first group included Phil H. Bucklew, the “Father of Naval Special Warfare,” after whom the Naval Special Warfare Center building is named. Commissioned in October 1942, this group saw combat in November 1942 during Operation torch on the North African coast. Scouts and Raiders also supported landings in Sicily,Salerno, Anzio, Normandy, and southern France.[15]

A second group of Scouts and Raiders, code-named Special Service Unit No. 1, was established on 7 July 1943, as a joint and combined operations force. The first mission, in September 1943, was at Finschafen on New Guinea. Later operations were at Gasmata, Arawe, Cape Gloucester, and the East and South coast of New Britain, all without any loss of personnel. Conflicts arose over operational matters, and all non-Navy personnel were reassigned. The unit, renamed 7th Amphibious Scouts, received a new mission, to go ashore with the assault boats, buoy channels, erect markers for the incoming craft, handle casualties, take offshore soundings, clear beach obstacles and maintain voice communications linking the troops ashore, incoming boats and nearby ships. The 7th Amphibious Scouts conducted operations in the Pacific for the duration of the conflict, participating in more than 40 landings.[4]

The third and final Scouts and Raiders organization operated in China. Scouts and Raiders were deployed to fight with the Sino-American Cooperative Organization, or SACO. To help bolster the work of SACO, Admiral Ernest J. King ordered that 120 officers and 900 men be trained for “Amphibious Raider” at the Scout and Raider school at Fort Pierce, Florida. They formed the core of what was envisioned as a “guerrilla amphibious organization of Americans and Chinese operating from coastal waters, lakes and rivers employing small steamboats and sampans.” While most Amphibious Raider forces remained at Camp Knox in Calcutta, three of the groups saw active service. They conducted a survey of the upper Yangtze River in the spring of 1945 and, disguised as coolies, conducted a detailed three-month survey of the Chinese coast from Shanghai to Kitchioh Wan, near Hong Kong.[4]

OSS Operational Swimmers

Some of the earliest World War II predecessors of the SEALs were the Operational Swimmers of the Office of Strategic Services, or OSS.[11] Many current SEAL missions were first assigned to them. OSS specialized in special operations, dropping operatives behind enemy lines to engage in organized guerrilla warfare as well as to gather information on such things as enemy resources and troop movements.[16] British Combined Operations veteran LCDR Wooley, of the Royal Navy, was placed in charge of the OSS Maritime Unit in June 1943. Their training started in November 1943 at Camp Pendleton, California, moved to Santa Catalina Island, California in January 1944, and finally moved to the warmer waters of The Bahamas in March 1944. Within the U.S. military, they pioneered flexible swimfins anddiving masks, closed-circuit diving equipment (under the direction of Dr. Christian J. Lambertsen),[16][17] the use of Swimmer Delivery Vehicles (a type of submersible), and combat swimming and limpet mine attacks.[11] In May 1944, Colonel “Wild Bill” Donovan, the head of the OSS, divided the unit into groups. He loaned Group 1, under Lieutenant Choate, to Admiral Nimitz, as a way to introduce the OSS into the Pacific theater. They became part of UDT-10 in July 1944. Five OSS men participated in the very first UDT submarine operation with the USS Burrfish in the Caroline Islands in August 1944.

Underwater Demolition Teams

UDT members using the casting technique from a speeding boat

On 23 November 1943, the U.S. Marine landing on Tarawa Atoll emphasized the need for hydrographic reconnaissance and underwater demolition of obstacles prior to any amphibious landing. The islands in this area have unpredictable tide changes and shallow reefs preventing the naval transport vessels from progressing. The first wave crossed the reef in Amtracs, but the second in Higgins boats were not as successful. They got stuck on a reef due to low tide. The Marines were forced to unload and wade to shore. This proved to be a daunting task and many Marines were killed or drowned before reaching the beach. Without support from the second wave the Marines in Amtracs were slaughtered on the beach. This was a valuable lesson that the Navy did not want to be repeated. After the Tarawa landing, Rear Admiral Richmond K. Turner directed the formation of nine Underwater Demolition Teams. Thirty officers and 150 enlisted men were moved to the WaimānaloAmphibious Training Base to form the nucleus of a demolition training program. This group became Underwater Demolition Teams (UDT) ONE and TWO.[4]

The UDTs saw their first combat on 31 January 1944, during Operation Flintlock in the Marshall Islands. Flintlock became the real catalyst for the UDT training program in the Pacific Theater. In February 1944, the Naval Combat Demolition Training and Experimental Base was established at Kīhei, Maui, next to the Amphibious Base at Kamaole. Eventually, 34 UDT teams were established. Wearing swim suits, fins, and dive masks on combat operations, these “Naked Warriors” saw action across the Pacific in every major amphibious landing including: Eniwetok, Saipan, Guam, Tinian, Angaur, Ulithi, Peleliu, Leyte, Lingayen Gulf, Zambales, Iwo Jima, Okinawa, Labuan, Brunei Bay, and on 4 July 1945 at Balikpapan on Borneo, which was the last UDT demolition operation of the war. The rapid demobilization at the conclusion of the war reduced the number of active duty UDTs to two on each coast with a complement of seven officers and 45 enlisted men each.[7]

Pearl Harbor: Home Of The Seal Delivery Vehicle

Home of the Navy’s only SEAL Delivery Vehicle Team. The command conducts underwater delivery and insertion of SEALs using flooded mini-submarines.


Coronado, CA
Quarterdeck: (619) 437-2848
Public Affairs Office: (619) 522-2825

Component Commands:

Coronado, CA – Quarterdeck: (619) 437-3557
Logistics & Support Unit
Coronado, CA – Quarterdeck: (619) 665-4577

Sir Tom Jones


, , , ,

Sir Thomas Jones Woodward,[1] OBE (born 7 June 1940), known by his stage name Tom Jones, is a Welsh singer. He became one of the most popular vocalists to emerge from the mid-1960s. Since then he has sung nearly every form of popular music – pop, rock, R&B, show tunes, country, dance, soul and gospel – and sold over 100 million records.

Jones has had thirty-six Top 40 hits in the United Kingdom and nineteen in the United States; some of his notable songs include “It’s Not Unusual“, “What’s New Pussycat“, “Delilah“, “Green, Green Grass of Home“, “She’s a Lady“, “Kiss” and “Sex Bomb“.[2][3]

Having been awarded an OBE in 1999, Jones received a knighthood from Queen Elizabeth II for “services to music” in 2006. Jones has received numerous other awards throughout his career, including the Grammy Award for Best New Artist in 1966, an MTV Video Music Award in 1989 and two Brit Awards – winning Best British Male, in 2000, and Outstanding Contribution to Music, in 2003.


Early life

Tom Jones was born Thomas Jones Woodward, at 57 Kingsland Terrace, Treforest, Pontypridd in Glamorgan, South Wales.[4][5][6] His parents were Thomas Woodward (died 5 October 1981), a coal miner, and Freda Jones (died 7 February 2003).[7] His paternal grandfather, James Woodward, was an ironmonger’s haulier from Gloucestershire, and his paternal grandmother was from Wiltshire. His maternal grandfather was Welsh, and his maternal grandmother, Ada Jones, was born in Pontypridd, to parents from Somerset and Wiltshire.[8]

Jones began singing at an early age: he would regularly sing at family gatherings, weddings and in his school choir. Jones did not like school or sports but gained confidence through his singing talent.[9] At 12 he was diagnosed with tuberculosis. Many years later he said: “I spent two years in bed recovering. It was the worst time of my life.” During convalescence he could do little else but listen to music and draw.[10]

Jones’ bluesy singing style developed out of the sound of American soul music. His early influences included blues and R&B singers Little Richard, Solomon Burke,Jackie Wilson and Brook Benton, as well as Elvis Presley, whom Jones idolised and with whom he would later become good friends.[11]

In March 1957 Jones married his high school girlfriend, Melinda Trenchard when they were expecting a child together, both aged 16. The couple’s son, Mark, was born in the month following their wedding. To support his young family Jones took a job working in a glove factory and was later employed in construction.[12]


Rise to fame

Jones, whose voice has been described as a “full-throated, robust baritone“,[13] became the frontman for Tommy Scott and the Senators, a Welsh beat group, in 1963. They soon gained a local following and reputation in South Wales. In 1964 the group recorded several solo tracks with producer Joe Meek, who took them to various labels, but they had little success. Later that year Decca producer Peter Sullivan saw Tommy Scott and the Senators performing in a club and directed them to manager Phil Solomon, but the partnership was short-lived.

The group continued to play gigs at dance halls and working men’s clubs in South Wales and one night, at the Top Hat in Cwmtillery, Wales, Jones was spotted byGordon Mills, a London-based manager who originally hailed from South Wales himself. Mills became Jones’ manager and took the young singer to London, and also renamed him Tom Jones,[14] to exploit the popularity of the Academy Award winning 1963 film.[15]

Eventually Mills got Jones a recording contract with Decca. His first single, “Chills and Fever”, was released in late 1964. It did not chart, but the follow-up, “It’s Not Unusual” became an international hit after offshore pirate radio station Radio Caroline promoted it. The following year would be the most prominent of Jones’s career, making him one of the most popular vocalists of the British Invasion. In early 1965 “It’s Not Unusual” reached number one in the United Kingdom and the top ten in the United States. During 1965 Mills secured a number of film themes for Jones to record including the themes for the film What’s New Pussycat? (written byBurt Bacharach and Hal David) and for the James Bond film Thunderball.[16] Jones was also awarded the Grammy Award for Best New Artist for 1966.[17] In Hollywood, Jones met Elvis Presley for the first time who he recalls singing his song as he walked towards him on set.

In 1966 Jones’ popularity began to slip somewhat, causing Mills to reshape the singer’s image into that of a crooner. Jones also began to sing material that appealed to a wider audience such as the big country hit “Green, Green Grass of Home“. The strategy worked and Jones returned to the top of the charts in the United Kingdom and began hitting the Top 40 again in the United States. For the remainder of the decade he scored a string of hits on both sides of the Atlantic.[12][18][19]

Las Vegas

In 1967 Jones performed in Las Vegas for the first time, at the Flamingo.[16] His performances and style of dress (increasingly featuring his open, half-unbuttoned shirts and tight trousers) became part of his stage act. He soon chose to record less, instead concentrating on his lucrative club performances. At Caesars Palacehis shows were a knicker-hurling frenzy of sexually charged adulation and good-time entertainment. Women started throwing hotel room keys onto the stage. Jones and his idol Elvis Presley met in 1965 at the Paramount film stage, when Elvis was filming Paradise, Hawaiian Style.[16] They became good friends, spending more and more time together in Las Vegas and duetting until the early hours at Presley’s private Las Vegas suite. The friendship endured until Presley’s death in 1977.[16]Jones’ guitarist between 1969 and 1974 was Big Jim Sullivan, who also met and formed a friendship with Presley.

Jones played at least one week in Las Vegas every year until 2011.